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On the very date Donald Trump was presented with a custom-made "peace prize" from his newest friend, FIFA president "Gianni" Infantino, his administration published an equally flamboyant security policy document. This fairly short report is saturated with pure Trump and Trumpism. It begins with the typically modest claim that the president has rescued "our nation – and the world – back from the brink of disaster and disaster."

Even though the document mostly codifies the ongoing actions and rhetoric of Trump and his team, it must be heeded as a serious caution for the international community, and for the European continent specifically.

A Strategy of Interference and Cultural Fear

The document advocates for an assertive form of foreign-policy meddling where the US explicitly sets the goal of "promoting European greatness." Its rhetoric could have been lifted straight from speeches by Viktor Orbán during the much-discussed migration emergency of 2015-16: "Our desire is for Europe to remain European, to reclaim its civilizational self-assurance." Even more worryingly, the document states that Europe's "economic decline is overshadowed by the real and starker possibility of cultural extinction."

The whole section dedicated to Europe is steeped in decades of European right-wing dogma and propaganda. The EU and its migration policies are blamed for "transforming the continent and creating conflict, suppression of free expression and stifling of dissent, cratering birthrates, and erosion of national identities and self-confidence." According to the document, if "present trends continue, the continent will be unrecognisable in 20 years or less. As such, it is not at all clear whether some European countries will have economies and militaries strong enough to remain dependable allies." Indeed, the Trump administration believes that "within a few decades at the latest, some NATO members will become majority non-European."

"U.S. foreign policy should continue to stand up for genuine democracy, free speech, and proud celebrations of European nations’ unique heritage and past."

Core Theories of the Far Right

These points carry powerful echoes of two theories regarded as foundational for contemporary far-right circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "The Decline of the West," whose thesis on the cyclical decline of civilizations was employed by the German far right to criticise the "decadence" and "enfeeblement" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "The Great Replacement," published in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who transformed long-existing "indigenous" fears into a more overt conspiratorial narrative, accusing European elites of using immigration to substitute restive "indigenous" populations and bring in a more docile and dependent electorate.

It is the nativist fever dream encapsulated in both ideas that grants the Trump administration the authority, if not the duty, to interfere in European affairs, the document suggests. And it is clear where it identifies its allies: "The United States urges its political allies in Europe to promote this resurgence of spirit, and the increasing clout of patriotic European parties in fact gives cause for great optimism."

The Objective: "Restore European Greatness"

Put simply, the US believes that it is essential to its national security to "Make Europe great again," and that the European far right is the only movement that can achieve this. Therefore, its "broad policy for Europe" prioritises "fostering opposition to Europe’s current trajectory within European nations" – understood as the far right – and "building up the healthy nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – specifically "nations in agreement that want to reclaim their former greatness" – such as Hungary and Italy.

While the document remains vague on methods, it is apparent that a priority is to pressure Europe to adopt a sweeping policy on freedom of speech, closer to the US model – particularly regarding right-wing speech – and not limited to social media. Another is to normalise relations with Russia; or, as the document phrases it, to "restore strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not explicitly called a future ally, the Trump administration evidently does not treat Russia as an enemy either.

A Historical Precedent: The Monroe Doctrine

In a wider context, the national security strategy draws its ideas less from the glorified US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Articulated by President James Monroe, this cautioned European powers not to meddle in the "western hemisphere," which he proclaimed to be the US’s zone of influence. The Trump administration’s policy document vows to "implement a Trump addition" to the Monroe Doctrine, which entails the US "enlisting" countries worldwide that wish to help protect US national interests.

None of this is entirely new – consider JD Vance’s address at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president launched an assault on Europe’s democratic model. But maybe now that it is published in an formal document, European leaders will finally realize that the stance is grave. And if the document is too lengthy or vague for them, it can be condensed in plain and succinct terms: the current US government holds that its national security is most enhanced by the demise of liberal democracy in Europe. In other words, the US is not just an unwilling ally; it is a willing adversary. Now is time to act appropriately.